Monday, June 30, 2025

In Argentina, the Libertarian Government Assaults Workers’ Right to Strike

By Saul Wenger

Since late 2023, the South American country of Argentina has been under the rule of among the first “libertarian” regimes in history under president Javier Milei of the La Libertad Avanza coalition. Almost immediately after Milei rose to power, his government made assaults on fundamental worker protections such as the right to strike through his “mega-decree”.

The working class of Argentina responded to these attacks through a number of means, including holding large-scale strikes and protests. The libertarian government, in turn, employed brutal police force against the workers.

The struggle of the working class of Argentina continues into the present. In a recent episode, Milei’s government has, on May 21, 2025, passed more draconian decrees which seek to crack down on the right to strike for workers whose function is considered “essential”, including those who work in fields such as education and telecommunications. This decree mandates that at least 75% must be available at all times even during strikes and other labor actions.

This decree comes in the aftermath of a nationwide strike earlier in May, the second of its kind since Milei’s rise to power. This strike, led by the labor union CGT, was done “in defense of democracy, labor rights and a living wage.”

In Argentina, workers still face brutal conditions, including a poverty rate still exceeding 35%, inflation rate nearly 300%, and persistent efforts by the libertarian government to further its extreme-right initiatives of austerity and deregulation.

The libertarian government of Argentina has shown that it does not seek a solution to the working class’s grievances, and will only cater to the most reactionary interests of the bourgeoisie of Argentina and its imperialist allies in the United States and elsewhere.

Workers of the world, unite!

 

On the Afrikaner “Genocide”

By Saula Wenger 

As part of an ongoing barrage of racist, chauvinist, and xenophobic rhetoric and policies, United States president Donald Trump has, during a diplomatic meeting with South African president Cyril Ramaphosa on May 21, 2025, unambiguously endorsed the notion that there is an ongoing “genocide” against the Afrikaner population (white descendants of Dutch settlers).

This incident comes after the United States government granted refugee status to over 50 white South Africans in the prior months. The justification for these actions and statements by Donald Trump partially include allegations that white South Africans are experiencing oppression by the native population as expressed in measures such as seizure of white-owned land.

The notion of an Afrikaner “genocide” is nothing more than a component of the wider myth of a “white genocide”, “reverse racism”, “great replacement”, etc. which is espoused by reactionaries, neo-Nazis, and other white supremacists everywhere and in that respect represents nothing unique.

Beyond the thin veil of the “anti-white racism” myth in South Africa is a reality which is entirely different to the conditions which white supremacists view as present.

Prior to 1994, South Africa was under the herrenvolk rule of the National Party which maintained an apartheid state which took direct inspiration from Hitlerite Germany. South Africa under the Afrikaner-dominated National Party granted large amount of privilege to white South Africans while fiercely discriminating against the black majority. This state of affairs would begin to change when Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress would be sworn in as president in 1994.

Mandela, while progressive, was not a communist and South Africa remained a capitalist state encumbered by racial inequities to the modern day, with his policies generally doing little to reduce disparities in ownership in most economic sectors.

In the present, massive inequities exist in all sections of South African society. Over 80% of farmland in particular is owned by whites despite composing less than 10% of the overall population. Similarly, white South Africans make five times more in terms of wages than their black counterparts.

The facts demonstrate clearly that there is no such thing as “white genocide” in South Africa or anywhere else. On the contrary, white supremacy has established itself firmly in South Africa even after decades of attempted reforms.

Fascists and neo-fascists have always sought to invert and twist reality to their liking. They make departures from even the most basic facts to suite their fantastical notions.

Trump is no enemy of genocide and racism; he is among its greater perpetrators in the modern day.

Down with all forms of racism and hatred!

Workers of the world, unite!

Saturday, June 28, 2025

Statement on the Condition of the American Left

Many communists would ask: Why is a Maoist communist party in the United States a necessity? Are there not half-a-dozen communist organizations and parties already in operation nationally? We could reply simply: They are revisionists. They are opportunists. Yet to use these words without elaboration is not contributing anything productive to the discussion nor cultivating productive discourse on these concepts.

Let us define what we mean by revisionist and opportunist.


The US communist movement is revisionist in that it deviates from Marxist principles and adopted a rendition of “communism” harmless to the capitalists. One of the oldest nominally communist parties in the United States today, the Communist Party USA, denies the need for a social revolution to overthrow capitalism and endorse members of the center-right, anti-communist Democratic Party.

“... People who pronounce themselves in favour of the method of legislative reform in place and in contradistinction to the conquest of political power and social revolution, do not really choose a more tranquil, calmer and slower road to the same goal, but a different goal. Instead of taking a stand for the establishment of a new society they take a stand for surface modifications of the old society. If we follow the political conceptions of revisionism, we arrive at the same conclusion that is reached when we follow the economic theories of revisionism. Our program becomes not the realisation of socialism, but the reform of capitalism; not the suppression of the wage labour system but the diminution of exploitation, that is, the suppression of the abuses of capitalism instead of suppression of capitalism itself.”
— Rosa Luxemburg, Reform or Revolution, Chapter 8.


Other parties within the opportunist camp, like the Party for Socialism and Liberation, twist the meaning of socialism by defending the policies and actions of the modern People’s Republic of China, which imposes a social-imperialist1 order and has long undergone the capitalist road of development over the socialist road.2 China today has a state-capitalist economy built upon exploitation of the Chinese working class and debt-trap diplomacy.3 Those who consider the Chinese model to be “socialist” in truth seek to reproduce that same model of capitalism, regardless of whether they intend for it or not.

In addition to these errors, all of these organizations suffer from chronic bureaucratism and are isolated from the masses, not applying the mass line4 and therefore not acting in accord with the masses material needs and desires.


Mao Zedong once argued in his 1937 essay titled “On Contradiction”, “it is through internal causes that external causes become operative.” In other words, it is not chiefly through the external influences of the capitalists that the revolutionary movement is made impotent, but rather through its internal shortcomings — revisionism, opportunism, etc.


If the failures and irrelevance of the American communist movement can be attributed to these internal problems (revisionism, opportunism, etc.), it follows that we must resolve them. Further, if we aim for a state that represents a democracy of the working class, it necessarily follows that these conditions must be resolved through direct engagement with and empowerment of the workers.

Thus, the Committee for a Communist Labor Organization hopes to achieve the following:


Firstly, to create a party of a new type. We are building a party which understands the needs of its members and empowers them to act in a democratic manner. We seek to build an organization which operates in a manner free from the bureaucracy of the previous organizations of the American communist movement through accountability structures that flow from the bottom of the organization, a Marxist psychology based in historical materialism, and a revolutionary application of the mass line in all fields of struggle.


Secondly, to advocate and develop a living Marxism. This will be a Marxism which is, in all ways, free from the chains that impeded previous implementations of Marxism — dogmatism, revisionism, and adventurism. This will be a Marxism which, through informed practice, develops in accord with modern demands and the needs of the working class. This will be a Marxism which in all capacities upholds the principle “ruthless criticism of all that exists.”7


It is only through this path that the US communist movement can be reborn into a force which is truly effective against the capitalist system.


Workers of the world unite!

Notes:


  1. Social-imperialism is the imperialism which develops in former socialist states which have restored capitalism


  1. The socialist society can only go in two directions — or roads, metaphorically speaking — the capitalist path or the socialist-communist path. It is a society in constant movement in one way or the other.


  1. Debt-trap diplomacy refers to when a creditor-state (an imperialist state) lends money to a borrower-state (semi-colonial state) that cannot pay its debts, with the strategic intent of gaining political, and economic leverage over the borrower state. Debt-trap diplomacy is one of the main mechanisms of imperialism today, as seen with the International Monetary Fund and China's Belt and Road Initiative.


  1. The mass line is best summed up as the principle “from the masses, to the masses.” With the mass line, the party constantly interacts with the people to hear their grievances, understand their needs, and provide Marxist solutions to them.

  2. Historical materialism is a method of analyzing history that focuses on how economic and social relations shape and are shaped by material conditions, power dynamics, modes of production, and historical contexts over time.


  1. Adventurism refers to risky and aggressive actions taken without careful consideration of the consequences of those actions. Adventurists often believe that individual actions outweigh the actions of the collective. They are right only insofar as their actions lead to persecution of the collective, regardless of the collective's actual culpability in the actions of the adventurist. Examples of adventurism include but are not limited to armed insurrection, terrorism, and other acts of violence; especially when conducted without public support, long-planning, or strategic direction.


  1. See Marx’s September 1843 letter to Ruge.

Thursday, June 26, 2025

Revisionism: An Anti-Working Class Tendency

By Saula Wenger 

Preface by Hazel Walker: Why We Are Talking About Revisionism


This article, written by Saul Wenger — an American Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and writer for Living Marxism— takes on a subject that remains crucial to revolutionary politics today: revisionism. Accusations of revisionism are often dismissed as “sectarian,” and with some exceptions they are. However, as Wenger lays out clearly, revisionism isn’t a thing of the past. It’s an ongoing tendency that weakens working-class movements today.

I am endorsing this piece not because I am a Maoist, I'm not, but because Wenger's work takes the danger of revisionism seriously — not as a theoretical abstraction, but as a real-world force that has derailed revolutionary struggles time and time again.

This is not about dogma or purity. Our publication rejects rigid orthodoxy and empty posturing. But we also understand the importance of revolutionary theory — and when that when theory gets bent to serve the wrong class interests, it can do real damage.

Understanding revisionism is part of understanding how movements fail — and how we can build ones that don’t.

Workers of the world, unite!

Introduction

Revisionism is a phenomenon which has existed for nearly as long as Marxism has. The ramifications and damages of revisionism which have been inflicted on to revolutionary movements and organization has been incalculable, and the ideological and political struggle against revisionists and other opportunists in the working class movement has, for the longest time, constituted an integral element to the struggle against the capitalist system as a whole.


And so, with the immense importance of this topic, there are many new Marxists who are compelled to raise this question: What is revisionism?

There are three main responses which result. Firstly, the scientific, Marxist–Leninist answer is that revisionism is the seeping of capitalist, bourgeois ideology into proletarian ideology; the distortion (revision) of revolutionary theory to favor the interests of the capitalists and abate socialist revolution.

Secondly, the trivializers' answer, very often produced by revisionists themselves. They will deny the many forms revisionism has assumed and assumes presently, they regard revisionism not as a threat to the socialist movement and form of class struggle on the part of the bourgeoisie, but as very narrow, “historic” phenomena which did not manifest anywhere beyond the most clear of traitors in the revolutionary movement; the followers of Kautsky, Bernstein, etc. and other figures whose apex was over a century ago.

To the trivializers, to say revisionism is prevalent today and that many contemporary revisionists veil themselves as “Leninists” is to be sectarian, dogmatic, and so forth. They will assert with the most potent conviction that major questions such as supporting the inter-imperialist conflict between Russia and the Western countries and upholding China as a model of “socialism” are not the dividing lines between revolutionary communists and opportunists, but mere “tactical” disagreements, and will demand unity between the communists and opportunists for the sake of unity itself!

In short, those who propagate the second answer are at the very least in alignment with the revisionists themselves. They deny the need for anti-revisionist struggle, rejecting its inherent relation to anti-capitalist struggle, and in turn harm our movement.

Lastly, the third answer is one produced most often by many new “Marxists”. They will deny the damages of revisionism and the distortion of principles, arguing that revisionism represents a “positive” element in that any developments of theory to modern conditions (e.g. the development of Marxism into the age of imperialism; Leninism) is “revisionism”. Hence, they proudly proclaim themselves revisionists!

Despite the fallacious nature of the third position, it doubtlessly raises important questions which must be answered. The scientific development of Marxism into Marxism–Leninism must be distinguished from the revisionist deviations of Nikita Khrushchev,and other opportunist figures who veil their distortions to deceive the working class.

We must first enumerate the character of revisionism in the clearest way feasible, then address the tendencies of revisionism in order to concretely demonstrate the need for anti-revisionist struggle.

What is the Basis for Revisionism?

As stated previously, revisionism has stood as an enemy of Marxism for as long as Marxism was developed in the 19th century. In the time of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, their scientific theory was contested by a vast number of unscientific, utopian socialist tendencies which sought idealist, fantastical methods to introduce their envisioned society, largely without concern for class struggle.

Throughout the initial conflicts waged by the proletarian and bourgeoisie throughout the 19th century, the theories of Charles Fourier, Étienne Cabet, Robert Owen, and others were firmly repudiated by most of the working class in favor of communism. These anti-materialist tendencies were exposed as not being in service of the interests of the workers, but the backwards peasantry and petite-bourgeoisie, strata whose modus operandi was under threat by nascent industrial capitalism. An element of the declining utopians persisted in their only anti-Marxist attitudes in the form of anarchism and other “libertarian” tendencies, but many other realized that to fulfill their aims, they would have to distort Marxism from the inside in order to bend it to comply with the desires of the exploiters:

Pre-Marxist socialism has been defeated. It is continuing the struggle, no longer on its own independent ground, but on the general ground of Marxism, as revisionism.”
--Vladimir Lenin, Marxism and Revisionism


Hence, the basis for revisionism was born — movements which seek to infiltrate the working class movement and provide the presentation of Marxism in rhetoric and symbols, while concurrently being anti-Marxist and bourgeois in essentials.
 
From this, it can be discerned that revisionism serves as a powerful weapon on the part of the bourgeoisie in class struggle against the proletariat.

Revisionism verses Theoretical Development

A confusion exists regarding the matter of what separates revisionism from a progressive development of theory prevalent among new socialists. This confusion results in the inability to disambiguate between a development of theory as seen with Lenin and a deviation from it, particularly as revisionists in the past and present have attempted to distract from this critical distinction; asserting their deviations represent an “evolution” of Marxism in the same vain as Leninism is to classical Marxism.

In short, to revise Marxism (e.g. as done by Kautsky,  Khrushchev, etc.) is to weaken it, falsify it, and remove its revolutionary content in accord with the desires of the exploiters. Revisionism injects idealism, mysticism, and superstition into a science (Marxism). On the contrary, to make a progressive advancement of Marxist theory (e.g. that made by Lenin and Stalin) is to preserve its revolutionary contents if not make them more empowering to the working class movement. 
 
It is commonly stated, particularly amongst followers of revisionism, that aspects of Marxism must in fact be revised or otherwise omitted due to temporal developments; that since the time of Marx and Engels, or even Lenin and Stalin, are so distant from our own, that their words and ideas no longer hold meaning to the proletarian movement. This could not be further from reality:

"Consequently, when we speak of 'subjugating' natural forces or economic forces, of 'dominating' them, etc., this does not mean that man can 'abolish' or 'form' scientific laws. On the contrary, it only means that man can discover laws, get to know them and master them, learn to apply them with full understanding, utilize them in the interests of society, and thus subjugate them, secure mastery over them."

--Joseph Stalin, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR

In this context, even if it were the case that the words of Marx and Engels are so archaic that they lack pertinence in our modern society, it is not the case that their words were incorrect. It is rather the case that the economic laws which governed the age of Marx and Engels have simply become inapplicable to our modern conditions; those laws have not disappeared from reality, they still exist, yet we have moved beyond them. But if we were to return to the relatively primitive capitalism as seen by Marx, those laws would be noticed again and would be applicable.

However, the understanding of capitalism as held by Marx and Engels has not become inapplicable to even our present condition. The development of our understanding as provided by Lenin and Stalin regarding imperialism and other concepts do not negate or replace the core content of Marxism, they rather augment it; build on to it.

How does Revisionism Take Hold?

The nature of revisionism as a counter-revolutionary tendency within revolutionary movements remains consistent between all contexts. Yet, its practical goals differs mainly in two ways. These are, firstly, revisionism which arises in movements in pre-revolutionary, capitalist countries, and, secondly, revisionism which takes hold of a revolutionary, socialist country.

Revisionism in capitalist countries

In pre-revolutionary countries of capitalism, by encouraging deviations which detach the communist party from the workers, by fostering reformism over revolution, and by propagating class collaboration and truce over struggle, revolutionary organizations are made impotent and harmless to the ruling class. If it fully takes hold of a country's communist movement, revisionism and opportunism have the capacity to bring a crippling halt to a socialist revolution in its infancy.

In the first wave of socialist revolutions at the end of the First World War, their potency and effectiveness was heavily negated by the prevalence of social-chauvinists and opportunists — the Kautskys, Bernsteins, Scheidemanns and others belonging to the Second International. These revisionist figures led the working class of their countries away from revolution and in support of the vicious imperialist war under the justification of “defense of the fatherland” and similar capitulations to bourgeois nationalism.

Less than two decades later, the working class resistance to the rise of fascism in countries such as Germany and Italy was rendered impotent in the face of social democrats and other reformists whose doctrine was inspired by an awfully revised body of Marxist theory, fully tailored to bourgeois interests. The efforts of the Communist Party of Germany to form an anti-fascist united front were willingly countered by the Social Democrats, in harmony with Adolf Hitler. As a result, socialist revolution in Germany sputtered out before it even truly began and the country was plunged into over a decade of Nazi tyranny.

Thus, the aims of the revisionists and opportunists in the countries which have not yet underwent a socialist revolution and establishment of a workers' state are clear — introduce pugnacious separations (national, ethnic, political, etc.) within the working class which detract from class struggle, isolate the party from the people, divert sentiments which would otherwise be revolutionary and class conscious into those which uphold capitalist wage-slavery and imperialism, and ultimately liquidate worker-led socialist organizations which are politically independent from the capitalist state and bring them under the yoke of bourgeois interests and politics, depriving the working class of the ability to operate outside of the confines of bourgeois democracy, in the process abating the prospect of revolution.

Revisionism in socialist countries

In the countries where the working class has already overthrown the capitalist state, established a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, and initiated the process of socialist construction, the revisionists' tasks diverge from their counterparts in capitalist countries. Rather then seeking to preserve capitalism in the ways detailed prior, they must restore it, regressing socialism back to capitalism. There are two primary angles through which the forces of revisionism assails the socialist state; internal and external.

Firstly, we address the internal methods of revisionism. The nature of socialism in its early phase — just following the revolution — is one in which the exploiters, being overthrown and on the verge of extinction, intensify their struggle against the working class forces a thousand-fold to preserve their endangered property and status:

The dictatorship of the proletariat means a most determined and most ruthless war waged by the new class against a more powerful enemy, the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increased tenfold by their overthrow (even if only in a single country), and whose power lies, not only in the strength of international capital, the strength and durability of their international connections, but also in the force of habit, in the strength of small-scale production.” [Emphasis mine: S.W.]

--Vladimir Lenin, "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder

This counter-revolutionary struggle may be explicit in its capitalist aims or concealed. The moribund exploiters — in unison with the petite-bourgeoisie and peasantry whose class interests are not yet definitively proletarian — may seek to encourage and propagate deviations within the communist party and state apparatus, support opportunist bureaucrats, and broadly campaign to overturn the Leninist line with a revisionist line of exploiter “socialism”.

Revisionism which springs up within the socialist state ultimately has its basis in small production; the mass of semi-proletarian, agrarian middle peasants and petite-bourgeois proprietors who possess a tendency to vacillate in class struggle and whose interest in socialism is submerged in doubt in even the best of times in the course of the revolution:

The social basis of the deviations is the fact that small-scale production predominates in our country, the fact that small-scale production gives rise to capitalist elements, the fact that our Party is surrounded by petty-bourgeois elemental forces, and, lastly, the fact that certain of our Party organisations have been infected by these elemental forces.

There, in the main, lies the social basis of the deviations. All these deviations are of a petty-bourgeois character”

--Joseph Stalin, Industrialization of the Country and the Right-Deviation in the CPSU(B)

Secondly, we now move to the external methods of revisionism. It is an indisputable fact that the initial socialist states will have to bear with an encirclement of capitalist-imperialist states whose ruling class seeks pugnaciously to destroy the stronghold of people's power on its borders. The capitalist states may pursue a route of overt military aggression and war against the socialist states. However, they may recognize the potential value of revisionism and opportunism in the socialist state as agents of capitalist restoration; a Trojan horse by which their goal of defeating the revolution will be realized without the need for brutal warfare and aggression (and from it, the potential of their defeat).


Thus, the bourgeoisie of the capitalist countries will sponsor the revisionists of the socialist countries by any and all means available to them, sponsor the petite-bourgeois elements which oppose revolution, etc. For instance, in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin’s leadership, various deviationist and factionalist elements such as the Trotskys, Bukharins, Zinovievs, and others within the Bolshevik party conspired to destroy the proletarian state from within, or at the least weaken so as to ensure future aggression by surrounding imperialist powers would be feasible:

Trotsky, supposed originally to have inspired the formation of the ‘bloc’, had long since been linked with the … the British intelligence service! On Trotsky’s orders, Krestinsky, former Deputy People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs, had been in the German service since 1921. Rozenholz, former People’s Commissar of Foreign Trade, joined the British service in 1926 and the German service in 1932. Rakovsky, one of the big figures of the Revolution, had served the British intelligence service since 1924, and the Japanese since 1934. And so on. All this Bukharin and Rykov had connived at, since they too were foreign agents.”

--Grigori Tokaty, Trotskyist Conspiracy and the Deaths in the 1937-1938 period

On this topic, it must be stated that the internal and external methods of revisionism are not mutually exclusive. For instance, a revisionist movement which arose from the domestic petite-bourgeoisie and large peasantry may receive a considerable portion of its funding from foreign imperialists. It is more so the case of how these two sources of revisionism amalgamate to devastate a revolution.

Socialist countries under Revisionism

Once a socialist country has fallen under the rule of revisionist elements in the manner detailed previously, its ruling clique has one omnipresent goal to which it, consciously or subconsciously, pursues with the utmost determination — the reversal of all gains made by the revolutionary proletariat and the full restoration of capitalism.

Yet to attain this objective, the aims of the revisionists must be concealed under a mountain of deceit and fabrications so as to throw sand into the eyes of the people who, despite experiencing a reversal from the dictatorship of the proletariat, still maintain the potential to overthrow the distorters and revitalize the revolution.

The process by which the revisionists begin the restoration of capitalism is not inherently spontaneous. In the Soviet Union, the revisionist clique of Nikita Khrushchev refrained for a whole three years after their seizure of power in 1953 to, at the infamous 20th congress of the CPSU in 1956, openly disband the proletarian state and deviate from the socialist construction led by Joseph Stalin.

In place of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Soviet revisionists installed a so-called “state of the whole people”,2 wherein the proletariat was to share power with the bourgeoisie and large peasants. In truth, this “whole people state” was a dictatorship of the revived bourgeoisie in the Soviet Union, and its creation marked the process by which the newly-capitalist state assaulted the socialist economy.

The nature of revisionist governance is two-fold; its domestic and foreign pursuits.

Domestically, the revisionists pursue a policy of social-fascism. They sow and aggravate national and ethnic divisions within the working class, replace the state of the armed workers with a state of detached functionaries servile to bourgeois interests, and restore old economic relations and from it power and privilege of the capitalist exploiters. The revisionists will still maintain the symbols and to a certain degree rhetoric of the previous revolutionary state as part of their efforts to deceive the masses, comparable to the pseudo-socialist demagogy employed by Hitler and Mussolini.

Internationally, the revisionists pursue the policy of social-imperialism. They will force smaller, previously socialist nations into subjugated peripheries. They will exploit their neighbors, often under the veil of “internationalist” aid and solidarity, all the while devolving them into economic dependencies and military outposts for future aggression.

These two pursuits — social-fascism and social-imperialism — are maintained by the revisionists in power until their goal of capitalist restoration is fully realized and the class consciousness and vigor of the people has been eroded. At this stage, the veil of “socialist” symbols and rhetoric is no longer needed for the revived bourgeoisie in the revisionist countries. Their counter-revolution is concluded with the final destruction of even the fainest remains of the old socialist project, and their rule is now that of an open dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

Returning to the example of the Soviet Union, the Khrushchevite-Brezhevite group ruled the country for a period of roughly forty years, introducing regression after regression, attack after attack, upon the socialist mode of production. The revisionists destroyed the people’s democracies of Eastern Europe and forced them into the social-imperialist Warsaw Pact and Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, turning countries such as Cuba into little more than sugar colonies operating in the sole interest of Soviet bourgeois profits.

The gradual process of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union and elsewhere finally reached its sudden end with the dissolution of the Union itself in 1991 against the wishes of the Soviet people. At present, revisionists continue to rule other states which most notably includes the People’s Republic of China, which has grown to represent one of the largest imperialist powers in the world.

Tendencies of Revisionism

To truly understand the features of revisionism requires an understanding of its various tendencies, both present and historical. To detail exhaustively all the many forms of revisionism would be too herculean a task for this work. However, meaning can still be gained from studying first of all the major tendencies of revisionism, the ones whose influence persists directly or indirectly into the socialist movement to the modern day.

Soviet revisionism

The Soviet Union — previously a bulwark of socialism — constituted one of the first revisionist states alongside Mao’s China and Tito’s Yugoslavia. After the defeat of the initial wave of Soviet revisionism as represented in the tendencies of Trotskyism and Bukharinism, the deviationists and opportunists took on a more concealed approach, seeking to slowly detach the Communist Party from the people and provide power to a bureaucratic clique without the knowledge of the administration of Stalin who fought pugnaciously for further democratization.

Under the leadership of Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev, the Soviet revisionists introduced various deviation and distortions, declaring the proletarian dictatorship obsolete in favor of the “state of the whole people”, rejecting class struggle and revolution in favor of a “peaceful transition” to socialism, collaborating with the imperialist powers under the guise of “peaceful coexistence”, and so forth.

These revisionist fabrications were propagated at the same time as capitalism was being restored and the socialist past discarded with campaigns of “de-Stalinization”. The Khrushchevite-Brezhevite line was enforced on the parties of the Soviet social-imperialist bloc in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, most of which would met a similar fate to the Soviet Communist Party in the late 1980s and early 1990s, totally abandoning any remaining vestiges of revolutionary communism in favor of openly capitalist ideology.


American revisionism

In the United States, various movements have fallen into revisionist deviations, the most notable of which includes Browderism and other distortions which emerged from the Communist Party of the United States.

In the 1940s, the American Communist Party fell under the influence of the distortions of Earl Browder, who advocated class collaboration, bourgeois nationalism, and otherwise reduced socialism to a distant prospect while replacing revolutionary ideals with American chauvinism and exceptionalism. Even following the liquidation of the American Communist Party, its reformation, and removal of Browder, the Party never restored its revolutionary outlook and would merely fall under the influence of Soviet revisionism during the leadership of Gus Hall throughout the later 20th century.

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Hall’s death in 2000, the American Communist Party under Sam Webb’s and later Joe Sims’ tenure would regress into various reformist deviations, endorsing bourgeois parties and rejecting Marxist principles.
American revisionism continues on in various forms outside of the American Communist Party, particularly among the “Patriotic Socialists”4 and other social-chauvinists who reiterate the rhetoric of Earl Browder and others.

Anti-Revisionist Struggle is Essential!

That revisionism and opportunism represent major threats to the working class movement cannot be denied. This is a tendency which has seeped and removed the revolutionary desire and practice from socialist organizations, depriving them of the capacity to function independently of bourgeois politics. Revisionism fosters chauvinism, divisions among the exploited and oppressed, and in countless instances halted revolution altogether. In countries where socialism has already been attained, the rise to power of revisionists has culminated in the full restoration of capitalism and regression of class struggle by a matter of decades at the least.

Yet to look at revisionism without understanding its basis and causes would be futile. Only by understanding the basis of revisionism in aspects such as the party’s detachment from the working class, petite-bourgeois inclinations, bureaucracy, and so forth can this tendency be truly combated.

This does not change the situation in the workers’ movement — revisionism has taken hold of countless organizations and its propagandists deceive increasingly larger members of the proletariat who are seeking a truly revolutionary organization in this period of capitalist crisis. Thus, it is among the foremost tasks of communists to engage in anti-revisionist struggle; expose the distorters of revolutionary principles and reveal their nature as agents of the bourgeoisie and enemies of people.

Workers of the world, unite!
Notes1. As this may result in confusion to those unfamiliar with these concepts, it must be noted that the socialist state is that of the sole rule of the proletariat in alliance with certain progressive elements such as the small and middle peasantry. A state cannot be “above-class” or “non-class”, for as Lenin stated in his work “Democracy” and Dictatorship:
The Scheidemanns and Kautsky's speak about "pure democracy" and "democracy" in general for the purpose of deceiving the people and concealing from them the bourgeois character of present-day democracy. Let the bourgeoisie continue to keep the entire apparatus of state power in their hands, let a handful of exploiters continue to use the former, bourgeois, state machine! Elections held in such circumstances are lauded by the bourgeoisie, for very good reasons, as being "free", "equal", "democratic" and "universal". These words are designed to conceal the truth, to conceal the fact that the means of production and political power remain in the hands of the exploiters, and that therefore real freedom and real equality for the exploited, that is, for the vast majority of the population, are out of the question.”
Thus the Soviet revisionist theory of a “state of the whole people” could only ever be cover for what was truly a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
2. Commonly known in English as the “Shining Path”. Self-declared as the “Communist Party of Peru”. 
3. A reactionary, social-fascist tendency which emerged in the United States in the 21st century that seeks to combine American chauvinism and nationalism with certain socialist symbols and rhetoric. A restoration of Browderism in many respects.

Starting Points of Unity

Originally by Saula Wenger, rewritten by Qxwithi

Preface: Why we Organize

Capitalism is a system built off of the exploitation of workers, the theft of labor. The ruling class uses various tools, direct and indirect, to protect this system. Many issues of today are caused by this. Imperialism is needed for capitalism to survive, wars are fought due to capitalist interests, racism, etc.. Marxism is not a static ideology. It is scientific mode of analysis, which gives us the tools to understand the cause of these issues, and how to fix it. It is only through organized struggle of which we can take down capitalism.

What follows are the basic principles which we shall organize off of. These are just the starting place, which we will build off of. They will be tested, and in accordance with their success be changed. The end goal being the liberation of the working class.

Starting Points of Unity

1. Marxism is a tool

Marxism is the method for which we see the world, not a static dogma which must be blindly followed. Everything changes, and so marxism too must change with history. We must question it, and not ignore what we find to be incorrect. We must, however, stay true to Marxism, and not follow revisionist, capitalist and anti-Marxist, ideas.

2. Ideas must be tested in action

No idea matters if it doesn't work on reality. We must study past revolutions and socialist states, taking note of both their successes and flaws. If we fail to do this, if we blindly copy old revolutions, then we will quickly fail.

3. Build healthy organizing

We must reject all forms of abuse and harassment. These only serve to hurt the movement. The end goal is communism, and these will only get us further from it.

4. Adherence to Democratic Centralism

Revolutionary movements quickly fall apart once only a few hold all the power, and the will of the masses are ignored. Decisions shall be made by the majority, and then followed.

5. Maoism as the highest stage

We recognize Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to be the highest stage of Marxism. To adhere to lower stages, may as well be as good as not adhering to Marxism in the first place. Former stages no longer apply well to reality, unlike Maoism.

 

Workers of the world, unite!

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